Khabor Wala Desk
Published: 3rd June 2025, 1:44 PM
Denying this reality is nothing short of self-deception. Recently, in Dhaka’s Dhanmondi area, police arrested several individuals following an incident of mob violence outside a publisher’s residence. It was later revealed that those arrested were activists of an anti-discrimination student movement. Although the political party associated with the movement did not officially endorse their actions, a central leader, Hannan Masud, intervened at the police station and secured the release of one detainee. While the party issued a show-cause notice to him, he responded with the usual excuse — “It was a mistake” — and managed to avoid consequences.
Veteran journalist Anis Alamgir highlighted these issues on his YouTube channel, Outspoken Anis Alamgir.
He pointed to similar events in Rangpur, where an attack on GM Quader’s residence also appeared to follow the same pattern. After joint security forces detained a few attackers, NCP leader Sarjis Alam arrived late at night to have them released. A BNP leader also appeared to identify himself, though he did not directly seek the attackers’ release.
Sarjis Alam had, the previous day, incited violence against GM Quader through a Facebook post, which was later deleted. Subsequently, he published another post questioning the urgency shown by law enforcement. He accused the Jatiya Party of acting as the “B-team” of the ruling Awami League.
These incidents are not isolated. Since 5 August, a series of mob-led events have unfolded across the country. Notably, in February, a mob vandalised and damaged Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s house at 32 Dhanmondi — a site steeped in Liberation War history. Despite the gravity of this act, the government remained silent. Such occurrences are not random anomalies.
Rather, they indicate the emergence of a politically organised mob project. These mobs attack with impunity, only for political leaders to arrive, glorify them, and ensure their release. It’s not just the NCP — both the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami have been, and continue to be, active participants in this mob culture. Is this not a new form of institutionalised impunity?
Alamgir warned the government: “The people may forget, but history never does. Those who attempt to govern by riding the backs of incited mobs are ultimately architects of their own downfall.”
The foundation of a state lies in moral leadership and the rule of law — not in the ability to mobilise the largest crowd. There is still time to abandon the politics of protection and return to the path of justice, though the root crisis runs deeper.
According to Anis Alamgir, the government is ensnared by three powerful forces — the mob, the military, and the mullahs.
1. The Mob:
Recent events in Dhaka and Rangpur demonstrate that the government is increasingly reliant on mob-driven governance. After criminal acts are committed, political leaders interfere to ensure the release of the perpetrators, emboldening these mobs even further.
When joint forces conduct raids, they are rendered ineffective due to political intervention. In Rangpur, for instance, those detained were swiftly released under political patronage. In some areas, student activists and unruly youth now openly intimidate members of the security forces, undermining their authority and raising serious concerns about discipline and morale.
Eventually, these forces may find themselves unable to act without orders — a condition typical of failed states. At that point, questions will inevitably arise: Why are these forces deployed? Whom do they serve?
2. The Mullahs:
For years, religious preachers have been spreading rumours, inciting hatred, and sowing unrest in society. Since 5 August, this incitement has begun to backfire. Some clerics who once championed “Bangabandhu” now speak against him. Many are reversing their own positions and narratives. Dr Muhammad Yunus, once smeared with slander and labelled a “usurer,” is now being described with a different tone.
The government has oscillated between silence and public alignment with these fundamentalist elements, sometimes even sharing platforms with them. This hypocrisy is fuelling greater division and polarisation. Social harmony and unity have all but vanished. Political rivalries have escalated to the point where individuals harbour murderous hatred for one another.
In the meantime, the government has published a report from the Women Reform Commission, yet its stance remains unclear. What the government actually wants is ambiguous. This lack of clarity has triggered conflict with fundamentalist groups, and mutual threats have ensued. The mullahs have grown more audacious due to the government’s incoherent messaging, contributing to further disorder.
Dr Yunus may be a Nobel Laureate, but statecraft is no Nobel project. Governance demands experience, accountability, and good administration.
3. The Military:
When a government loses the confidence of the electorate, the military becomes more prominent in governance, sometimes openly, sometimes through influence. The military, ideally, should remain apolitical — a neutral guardian of national security. However, Anis Alamgir warns that when unelected regimes grow dependent on the military, it can distort civilian governance, compromise transparency, and create long-term instability.
In democratic systems, there is less room for mob rule. Power does not rest in the hands of unruly street leaders. Under elected governments, relationships with the military tend to be more balanced, and irrational demands from clerics are easier to challenge.
If, however, the mob, the military, and the mullahs coalesce as a shadow force against the republic, then the state begins a march towards darkness.
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